Dissent (Spring 1973). Report by Jane and David Barton, “Indochina – Quang Ngai Province Five Months After The Peace Agreement” (June 20,1973) [134] The Saigon government, of course, has in no sense represented the rural masses being pacified-in fact, its collaboration in the terror, and its assumed interest in its own people as the western-recognized legitimate govern- ment of South Vietnam, played an important part in giving pacification whatever aura of acceptability it had, and keeping the lid of silence on details. The more fanatic state apologists can thus conclude from the Vietnam experience that [8]. Revolutionary Terror in Theory and Practice. Immediately following the Geneva Accords of 1954 the National Security Council laid out a plan for subversion throughout Southeast Asia, with Thailand “as the focal point of U.S. covert and psychological operations,” including “covert operations on a large and effective scale” throughout Indochina, with the explicit intention of “making more difficult the control by the Viet Minh of North Vietnam [5~ The toleration level of U.S. leaders for graft, torture, and bloodbaths by “patriotic leaders” willing to defend their independence against Communist aggression by serving as a firm base” for their sponsor’s activities, is large. [15] On this matter, see Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Beacon (1966). The acceptability of this form of pacification and the now well established and consistent propensity of American forces and each of their “allies” — not merely South Koreans [151] — to carry out systematic acts of violence against South Vietnamese civilians, suggest that such atrocities and bloodbaths must be “built in” to the American effort and mission, they must be an integral part of “pacifying” a poor, virtually defenseless, but stubbornly uncooperative, foreign population. The analogy with the later scenario and the Agreement of January, 1973 and its surrounding events is, once again, depressingly apt. [179] This is the “selective” counter-terror by which the United States and its client have been bringing “security” to the benighted. [193] Race, op. Thus moderate scholars and others determined to think well of the United States have found it possible to employ the argument from long-run benefit. pp. Often crass opportunists or outright plunderers, invariably associated with corruption, they rule by force. For example, after the CIA-sponsored right-wing coup in Cambodia in March 1970, Lon Nol quickly organized a pogrom-bloodbath against local Vietnamese in an effort to gain peasant support. He seems to have relied entirely on the assertions of the Ministries of Propaganda. According to Jeffrey Race, a former U.S. Army adviser in South Vietnam who had access to extensive documentation on recent Vietnamese history [116]. As to the first, it speaks for itself; the second, in most cases was pure rationale for the existence of the program. In a secret trial he was accused of "espionage and participation in a counter-revolutionary terrorist organisation". For example, Chi states that the DRV authorities fixed a minimum quota of three landlords to be executed in each village, when in fact they placed an upper limit of three who could be denounced and tried, not executed. [22], The Philippines show the same pattern. Hunger is “epidemic” and the death rate in Northeast Brazil is 47-I 1000 by age five. In fact, this is exactly what happened in the case of the government: far from being bound by any committments to legality or humane principles, the government terrorized far more than did the revolutionary movement..[and] it was just these tactics that led to the constantly increasing strength of the revolutionary movement in Long An from 1960 to 1965. Phan Thi Thi remains incarcerated. Van der Kroef’s summary of one of the findings of the 1970 Agbayani House Sub-Committee Report, Ibid., p. 39. A couple of days later, the number 8 cuffs were replaced with another kind of fetters. The impression conveyed in the standard media fare is one of humanitarian concern for the victims of “violence’ on the part of American leaders; the public has been led to believe that American policies in Vietnam have been shaped to some degree by the resort to violence and threat of a bloodbath on the part of others. . They just beat my knee caps and neck with their billy clubs. 2 : a movement to counteract revolutionary trends. She was severely beaten at the district center and sent to the provincial interrogation center, but she arrived there in such a state that she was hospitalized. [262] Sylvan Fox, “Saigon Bypasses Accord by Freeing Many Prisoners,” New York Times (February 6,1973). On the evidence of the past two decades of U.S.-sponsored counterrevolutions, a good case can be made that these are far more bloody, on the average, than revolutions. Virtually the only “progress” achieved by Kissinger between October 1972 and the January 1973 settlement date was that the “question of the return of Vietnamese civilian personnel captured and detained in South Vietnam” was left unresolved in the final Agreement, whereas the October plan suggested, albeit vaguely, that they were to be released on a firm time schedule. …there are nations more civilized than others, for reasons of history and providence however freakish. cit., pp. There is a danger – I wouldn’t yet describe it as a plan – abetted by those sensible men who write editorials and headlines for the New York Times, that we will mobilize all of our moral energies of disgust and reform in relation to the Watergate agenda while practically winking at our official complicity in the bloody deeds of our friends and helpmates in repressive regimes around the world. [8] William F. Buckley, Jr., Boston Globe (April 23,1973). From the time of Diem the United States has placed great weight on the police and intelligence; the funding and advising of the prison-police-intelligence ensemble of South Vietnam is now almost two decades old. It was a Marxist/Maoist movement that prompted a harsh governmental response. Thus bloody terrorist attacks in Sinai and a peaceful protest in the village of Nahia become simply two different expressions of counter-revolutionary Islamist obscurantism, no … [182] Douglas Pike, Vietcong, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1966), pp.91-92. Some foreign investors bidding for concessions find that they have to pay huge bribes.” [81], All things considered, then, the developments of the past seven years in Indonesia have been favorable to the predominant interests of the Free World. [149] Letter in the New York Times (January 25,1970). People supporting death squads believe that their existence is threatened; therefore. ..and I personally believe it would be a mistake for us to try to lecture them on the operation of democracy.” [37] Our lectures in fact have been accolades to the military dictators, and to fend off criticism at home, philosophical observations on Asian nature have been coupled with the plea that it would be arrogant of us to intrude into the internal affairs of these “independent” states. The latest statement by the Revolutionary Socialists “On terrorism and closing the nation’s ranks” triggered angry reactions and has been rejected on a variety grounds. [124] The Thai elite, for example, might “conclude that we simply could not be counted on” to help them in suppressing local insurgencies. The NLF view in early 1960 was: [181], Armed activities only fulfill a supporting role for the political struggle movement. Porter’s analysis of the NLF documents used by U.S.-Saigon propagandists suggests that mass political killings were neither contemplated nor consistent with revolutionary strategy at Hue. [55] The epidemic of heroin use that struck American GIs in South Vietnam in 1970 and continued thereafter was a direct result of the extensive trade in the American protected Golden Triangle, and the aggressive sales campaign among the GIs carried out by pushers who were protected by the South Vietnamese police and army, and who worked as part of an apparatus in which Marshal Ky and other South Vietnamese officials had long been involved. William Colby indicated: “The function of U.S. advice and support was to initiate and support a Vietnamese effort which can be taken up and maintained by the Vietnamese alone … [and] a considerable degree of advice and support of the GVN pacification program has come from the U.S. side over the years.” [242] In recent years, in addition to Phoenix, U.S. advice and funds have gone toward[243]. According to Chau the forging of documents was assisted by U.S. and British intelligence agencies, who helped gather authentic documents that permitted a plausible foundation to be laid for the forgeries, which “were distributed to various political groups and to groups of writers and artists, who used the false documents to carry out the propaganda campaign.” [194], The primary source of information on the land reform for many years has been the work of Hoang Van Chi, formerly a substantial landholder in North Vietnam, and employed and subsidized by the Saigon Ministry of Information, CIA, and other official U.S. sources for many years. The unverified and in fact unverifiable information, nevertheless, was used regularly as input to artillery strikes, harassment and interdiction fire (H& I), B52 and other air strikes, often on populated areas. Bernard Fall was taken in by Chi, and Frances FitzGerald in her influential Fire in the Lake follows Fall in giving a “conservative estimate” that “some fifty thousand people of all economic stations were killed” in the course of the land reform. Since the January agreements, the number of prisoners has remained constant. Nguyet was tortured on eight occasions before the accords; after the signing, she was taken from the prison back to the interrogation center where she was tortured by electricity; she was made to swallow soapy water and was beaten four times between the 2nd of February and the 23rd of March. It apparently does not even occur to this “military adviser to four Presidents” that there might be any moral issue in “destroying the Indonesian Communists.” This was a constructive bloodbath. The number of civilian casualties inflicted on South Vietnam is unknown, but surely is underestimated by the Senate Subcommittee on Refugees at 400,000 dead, 900,000 wounded and 6.4 million turned into refugees. How terrorism ceases: the Tupamaros in Uruguay. Their ideology centers in a negative and single-minded anti-Communism, which is what brings them into symbiosis with the U.S. leadership in the first place. The detainees of Quang Ngai wear labels giving name and registration number; often the words “political prisoner” are written. . It is an important fact that a key stumbling block in the signing of the Peace Agreement was the disposition of civilian prisoners. In his article "The Victory of the Counter-Revolution in Vienna" in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (No. Policelmilitary coordination is sadly lacking both in collec- tion and in swift reaction.” Pentagon Papers, Gravel ed., v~ IV, p.441. This was one of the highest ratios between policemen and citizens of any country in the world.” [50] The pattern has a familiar ring. An American diplomat told us that at Hue, the Saigon forces fire thousands of shells every week because “the more they fire, the more the Americans replace their munitions. The majority of the persons arrested before January have not been released. In the month of March alone, “over 3,000 enemy troops were killed… which is the largest monthly total for any American division in the Vietnam war,” said the division’s official magazine. Saigon’s Political Prisoners and the Accelerating Bloodbath. Or in Colby’s constant reference to pacification as a program for the “defense of the people” against somebody else’s terror. Saigon’s Political Prisoners and the Accelerating Bloodbath, Appendix Military escalation was undertaken to offset the well understood lack of any significant social and political base for the elite military faction supported by the United States. Six months later, in a speech given on April 30,1970 he raised the ante to “hundreds of thousands” who had been exposed in 1954 to the “slaughter and savagery of the DRV leadership. Terrorism and Counterterrorism as Counter-cosmopolitanism. Finally we discuss the intensifying repression and threat to political prisoners in the charnel house the United States has built in South Vietnam – an illustration and application of the now long standing U.S. policy of support for ‘constructive” bloodbaths. Since taking office seven years ago as a man of relatively moderate wealth, Marcos has become one of the Philippines’ top ten taxpayers. [267] As explained by Jean Pierre Debris, recently released from Chi Hoa, “The aim of the Thieu regime is to break the prisoners physically so that they will never be able to take any part in national life again … The conditions under which thousands are held are critical and becoming more dramatic at the present time.” [268]. One poor fisherman in Da Nang, animated and talkative in complaining about economic conditions, clammed up in near terror when queried about the policy…” Theodore Jacqueney, Hearings before Subcommittee of House Committee on Government Operations, U.S. Assistance Pro- gramsin Vietnam (July/August 1971), p.251. The police wanted to know whether her father, who left for the DRV when she was 9, had communicated with her, since rumor had it that he had returned to the sector. I had to run for my life, and I stayed in the mountains until 1960. See The Forgotten Prisoners, p. 41. Since the result is the preservation of a neo-colonial economic and social structure and an “open door” to American investment, only sentimentalists will moralize over the bloodbath. In fact, the only known “confessions” are the fabrications that had been exposed many months earlier, and neither Harrington nor other western observers “know” what took place during the land reform. Assault as the Primary Bloodbath. This is the rot that might spread to Thailand and beyond, inspiring Communist-led nationalist movements. [247] Quoted in Brown and Luce, op. Thailand: A Corrupt “Firm Base” On 8 February 1964 I took over as Premier.” Interview with the German Magazine Stern, reprinted in Los Angeles New Advocate (April 1-15,1972). After presenting some illustrations of benign and constructive bloodbaths, we turn to some of the nefarious and mythical bloodbaths that have played important roles in the defense of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. Again, this major development was largely ignored by the media. These mythical or semi-mythical bloodbaths have served an extremely important public relations function in mobilizing support for American military intervention in other countries. [195] The analysis that follows is based on D. Gareth Porter, The Myth of the Bloodbath: North Vietnam’s Land Reform Reconsidered, International Relations of East Asia, Interim Report No.2, Cornell (1972). [25], In the official American view, all of this is treated as a rule of “Asian nature.” As pointed out recently by Donald Kirk, Far Eastern correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, “Kim [a South Korean poet) blames the suffering of his people in large part on the kind of bribery and chicanery that American officials smilingly dismiss as ‘routine’ in ‘all Asian countries’ -notably those allied with the United States.” [26] Both Kim and the American officials are right, as the “Asian nature” familiar and relevant to the Americans is of those willing to cooperate with the imperial powers in suppressing revolutionary nationalism and maintaining Free World control. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 34 (9), 717-731. [266] Ngo Vinh Long, “Thieu starving refugees to keep the throne,” Boston Phoenix, (Dec. 12,1972), citing South Vietnamese nNewwsIsSP er reports. [246] U.S. Assistance Programs, pp. In his book, No Exit Prom Vietnam (McKay, Updated Edition (1970), Thompson says that “Normally Communist behavior toward the mass of the population is irreproachable and the use of terror is highly selective” (p.40); but that work, while biased, involved some effort at understanding and con- tained a residue of integrity, entirely absent in the New York Times p iece. In Bangladesh, the human disaster had been subordinated to Washington’s relationship with Pakistan and the tangled secret diplomacy with Peking. See also note 221, below. It is noteworthy that such widely acclaimed and influential war critics as Bernard Fall and Frances FitzGerald blandly transmit official deceptions on such issues as the land reform purge of 1956 in North Vietnam or the 1968 Hue massacre. A spokesman for AID told Congress: [237], AID and its predecessor agencies have supported public safety programs [essentially police] in Vietnam since 1955… AID’s task has been to assist the National Police in recruiting, training and organizing a force for the maintenance of law and order…, AID has provided police specialists to train Saigon’s police, and advise them at all levels, and to work in Thieu’s “Public Safety” programs. The small-scale and “benign” Lon Nol bloodbath, of course, was followed by a much more substantial “constructive” bloodbath mainly in the form of firepower carried out by the United States and its Saigon affiliate. [253] New York Times (November 23,1972); Vietnam News (March 6,1973). drug trafficking, and it has branched out into Argentina and Colombia. That revolutions are costly in human life and that those undertaking them should weigh these heavy costs against any potential gains is a conventional cliche. In fact, there is reason to believe the South Korean policy of deliberate murder of civilians was not merely known and tolerated but was looked upon with favor by some U.S. authorities. It is also well to acknowledge that the real facts are so provocative on these touchy issues that most efforts to depict them offend mainstream readers and reviewers and encourages the ironic reaction that a particular author has gone “overboard” and is no longer to he trusted. We can be thankful, I suppose, that the United States government is not yet as efficient as the Mafia (whose skill has been built up over generations and whose personnel have been conditioned from birth) when it comes to hiding the traces of their crimes, cutting short the investigative trail, and screening out the occasional honest and principled operative. To summarize their findings [146]: (a) The South Korean “rented soldiers,” as the South Vietnamese describe them, committed a whole series of My Lai-scale massacres, twelve separate massacres of 100 or more civilians having been uncovered in the Jones’ study. Just as the Watergate burglaries of the Democratic National Committee headquarters were but a stitch in the fabric of illegal and criminal government, so My Lai was no more than a particularly horrible example of the American ‘game plan” in the Vietnam War. It is evident that it is in Thieu’s interest to violate the Agreement to the limit of his capacity, since a renewed U.S. direct involvement not only would provide a welcome inflow of cash but also offers his sole long-term hope for survival. The chief of the ‘special police” (in fact specialized in torture) of the district of Son Tinh declared that the old man presented a potential danger, since he might have stayed in a zone that had come under the control of the P.R.Q. 35ff. The great public relations lesson of Vietnam, nevertheless, is that the “big lie” can work despite occasional slippages of a free press. or the Northerners attempted to return home for the festival, the neighbors should beat them to death. Peru in 1980. The history of events in Long An also indicate that violence will work against the user, unless he has already preempted a large part of the population and then limits his acts of violence to a sharply defined minority. (New York Times, July 12, 1973). In the same Senate Hearings Teitel reports other instances of terrorism attributed to the NLF but apparently carried out by ARVN, and gives a brief resume of U.S. Operation BOLD MARINER in the Batangan Peninsula, in which the entire population of the penin- sula was forcibly moved to a sandpit near Quang Ngai city, the land levelled by artillery and bombs and finally destroyed by Rome Plows, dikes destroyed by bombardment so that rice cannot be grown, and the people placed in semi-starvation conditions. At this time she is in the Quang Ngai Interrogation Center. Ambassador in Laos from 1964 to 1969, where, as Anthony Lewis remarks, he ‘played a decisive part in what must qualify as the most appalling episode of lawless cruelty in American history, the bombing of Laos.” [105] Sullivan has had a major role in organizing and coordinating U.S. subversive and military activities in Southeast Asia, and although his contributions to the people of Laos pale before those of his murderous successor, G. McMurtrie Godley, who implemented the Nixon-Kissinger program, they nevertheless achieved considerable scale. According to John Dean, Nixon’s anxieties were capable of being aroused on one occasion by a lone demonstrator in Lafayette Park. Definition of counterrevolution. Estimates of the numbers of victims of this slaughter range upward from 5000 [1] and grisly reports and photographs of bodies floating down tlie rivers were filed by western correspondents. And, in fact, the actual assassinations were carried out regularly by former criminals or former Communists recruited and paid by the CIA, by CIA-directed teams drawn from ethnic minorities, American military men, and Nationalist Chinese and Thai mercenaries. Not very sophisticated as social analysts despite their schooling in Panama and Washington, D.C., and chosen for the purity of their anti-Communism, these creatures of imperial policy uniformly interpret revolutionary ferment as the product of a Communist conspiracy that must be forcibly suppressed. At the rehabilitation’ center of the provincial hospital, more wounded have been admitted since the ceasefire than during the same period last year. [172] Dispatch News Service International, #376 (July 6,1972). It was assumed that an American failure would be harmful to our prestige and would reduce the confidence of our satellite governments that we would protect them from the winds of change. The Japanese reporter Katsuichi Honda once undertook to investigate the weekly report of the General Information Bureau of the U.S. Army in Saigon entitled “Terrorist Activities by Viet Cong.” Pursuing “one isolated case” that interested him, he discovered [220] that not only was amazingly brutal and persistent terrorism occurring regularly, it was actually being shielded from public scrutiny by Saigon’s “information control.” It soon appeared that the murders were not done by the National Liberation Front at all. Electrical and water torture, the ripping out of fingernails, enforced drinking of solutions of powdered lime, the driving of nails into prisoners’ _ bones (kneecaps or ankles), beatings ending in death, have become standard operating procedure in the Thieu prisons. They were not “committed to the thesis that violence was the best means of effecting change”; but Diem and his advisors never were able to make a serious and sustained effort at any course other than counterrevolution- ary violence. He was a bitter anti-Communist and a strong supporter of the goals of the American intervention, though he was later to be appalled at the methods used, and feared that Vietnam would not survive this terroristic onslaught. ~. [135] A large fraction of the napalm used in Indochina has been dropped in South Vietnam, an illustration of the abuse visited on the voiceless South Vietnamese (in protecting them from aggression”!) [261], The other technique used by the Thieu government has been the alleged release of political prisoners, not to the PRC and DRV as stipulated in the January Agreements, but at large within South Vietnam. At a press conference held on November 2, 1972, Amnesty International urged the acceptance, by all parties to the Vietnam conflict, of a Protocol specifically oriented to the protection of political prisoners held in Indochina. [194] Diane Johnstone, “‘Communist Bloodbath’ in North Vietnam is Propaganda Myth, says former Saigon Psychological Warfare Chief,” St. Louis Post-Dispatch (September 24,1972). [205] New York Times, Op. See Tom Fox, “The Binh Dinh ‘Massacre’,” American Report (September 15,1972); Le Monde, May 28-29,1972 (report of interviews with refugees by an AFP special correspondent). [186] Op. Repacification in the Philippines, Constructive Bloodbaths in Vietnam [28] “In the six weeks since Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, American businessmen have become increasingly sanguine about their future… According to one U.S. oilman, ‘Marcos says, “We’ll pass the laws you need-just tell us what you want.” ‘ Marcos badly needs American business support. The incident, he told us, took place on March 27. If not, why were they held to this point?). ; A Cry of Alarm, New Revelations on Repression and Deportations in South Vietnam, Saigon (1972); Jean-Pierre Debris and Andre Menras, Rescapes des bagnes de Saigon, nous accusons (1973); The Forgotten Prisoners of Ngu yen Van Thieu, Paris (May 1973); Holmes Brown and Don Luce, Hostages of War, Saigon’s Political Prisoners (1973); Pham Tam, Imprisonment and Torture in South Vietnam, FOR (un- dated); Prisonniers Politiques au Sud Vietnam, Listes de Prisonniers, Appel des 30 Mouvements, Saigon (February 1973). Richard Nixon is a President who claims that it is a prerogative of his office to bomb foreign countries day after day in secret, to falsify Defense Department reports, and then to authorize “national security” wiretaps on his highest aides when such information is leaked to the press. 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